“A Noble Lie”

David Majok November 17, 2011
The freedom of our nation was attained and the spirits of those who perished are now in heavenly surrender and peace, as the true sons of the nation begin the journey to reclaim their glorious past. Since the journey was long, so was the pain of building up the leaders of the movement and the foot soldiers that have allowed dreams to come true and to share in spirit, the bounty of good fortune, status and recognition.

In the good spirit of those fallen heroes and heroines, the leaders of our nation have built a solid foundation that will allow those who are not bread for leadership to continue to, in their selected places in society, support those specimens of leaders currently in control to provide the aspiration that we have suffered for, in a golden platter, in due course, of which time will be determined. For those who are of the best quality of leaders cannot fulfill their wish for the people, unless given free will and undeserved obedience to accomplish their tasks.

For the spirit of Ngundeng has prophesied that the leaders of today, their wisdom and vision, may need to continue as the destiny has chosen them to lead! If deterred, our history, fortune will be destroyed by the good will of the almighty, the purveyor of peace and justice, because good leadership that have been predetermined for our generation and generations to come may end in disaster.

Do not be deterred by the callus in your feet, for they will bother you for one week or two, and fall off; new surface skin will bring to bear the beauty of your African identity. This is the same as your current cry over the growing pain of our republic. As it grows, fewer and fewer maladies will be discovered and all the praise will go to those whom you have given power to shape your future, a call that has been filled and billed by the blood of your sons, daughters, brothers, mothers and fathers.

Those who lead you, in their luxury, think of the best for you, as leaders and guardians of our new republic. In their esteemed places, their intellectual capacity cannot be filled by mediocre living, and their access to your resources, only enables them to protect you from things seen and unseen. This division of labour is not unique to the quest of our republic. It can only be achieved through the normalcy of all knowing their places in the strata of our society. For a Marissa brewer and seller cannot be a drum maker, and farmer of cassava cannot be a blacksmith; the unprofessional soldier cannot protect the jewel of our nations. All of these professions are stratified in our society for the reason of building our nation. So, in silence, praise your leaders, and in the open cheer them on, for your undivided attention to their safety from the wanting eyes will, in surety, affect their good names and high places.

For nobility in our society is made through the struggles, and in that, their places must be protected and names exalted. And in perfect union with our goals for better life, high moral and long history of sacrifice is given its sacred sanctity. So, lay away your fears; lay away your concerns and march to the tune of higher authority bestowed upon Mabior, Mayar and Machar, in the unblemished prophecy of Ngundeng.

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South Sudan and the need for Regressive Hypnosis (Analysis)!

South Sudan and the need for Regressive Hypnosis (Analysis)!

 David Majok November 14, 2011
In psychology, therapy has been established as an important tool to free oneself from the compounding effects of life’s pressure, whether caused by cumulative psychosis or genetic underpinning of one’s lot in life. This has been established in order to secure healing and future prosperity for the self and the community. In the context of this piece, the opinion expressed here is much related to the same genesis, but the term is used to denote a psycho-political hypnotic regression.
Over the last twenty seven years, South Sudan has gone through traumatic transformative events, some of which were brutal and some are promising to the future of the nation. The struggle for liberation caused many to perish and many to suffer trauma, either through direct involvement or through the side effects of the conflict itself. Many of those who are affected, have selflessly given their youth, future, family and dreams to the cause of liberating the people of South Sudan, for what seems to be, a cause much bigger than them: freedom of the people of South Sudan people. Some may have not envisioned the type of future that the ending may bring, but with hope and faith, have charged along, at times, not knowing if the future is achievable, given the dark days of the 1990s. But with every struggle, there are surges and corrections in the direction of the intended goal. This is just a natural phenomenon associated with any ideals: taking stock of what happened, learn from it and move-on along the road to victory.
As the brave surgeon on, experiences of the war added to their languages and the unintended consequences of that journey, affected, adversely by the struggle to be free and acquire attribute that cements the true belief in the reason for justice, which encompasses, freedom, liberty, democracy and equity: the banners of the struggle. Though these were true to the essence of liberation, the meanings associated with these iconic words seems to have engendered stronger apathy in actualizing its impact. The nuances of the call to arms are becoming too difficult for interlocutors in the corridors of power imprint in themselves and the nation.
The way forward in this struggle to identify with the past is best exemplified in the regression hypnosis, to revisit the past so as to live the future, designed in the ideals echoed twenty seven years ago. That those who are in the corridors of power owe it to themselves to reflect on their struggle to bring freedom; first, to extricate themselves from the winner eats first assertion, to a much more reflective leadership that is built on the notion of equally free society, borne out of the need for justice and all its other siblings. Second, recognize that creating new normal is not selective domain of one political entity over the other, but a quest that those who are capable must share in realizing it. Third, in order to cement the legacy of the heroic past, heroes and heroines, never boast about their impact on the battle fields, but by their humbleness in the face of future. For the future is our collective enemy. It may not need the same tools that the heroes and heroines have fought the battle, but a new kind of tool. One that they can be instrumental in affecting, in the lives of people for whom they have so dearly sacrificed; this, by shear influence of their histories and commitment to stay focused to achieve a free and willing society that seeks better its entire population.
For freedom can never be dissuaded by fear of arms, psychological intimidation or a force of elimination; for, if such was the case, ours would have been futile effort in search of freedom, justice and equality; hence a homeland. It is this same antidote that will surely allow us to prosper and make the nation that many have sacrificed for but have never called her home. As such, the attributes associated with a free society may not be an easy endeavor to implement, but working towards achieving the ideals set forth by those who have put in motion the wheels of our New Republic, cannot be rendered motionless because of the inconveniences of its laboring parts. The test for those who are in power is to reproduce enabling parts that functions and deliver the same result in law, culture and conviction, no matter how painful the exercise may be, to continue to create the necessary condition for its success.
In conclusion, in this endeavor, there should be no short-cuts to achieving the collective will of the people.  Rule of law, equality, freedom, access to services and democratically principled governance should be the face that our new nation must exhibit at home and to the world. As well, the exercise of revisiting the past will act as a testament to the resilience of the current political entity in addressing its deficit and learning from it, whether small or big, in order to resurrect its image, for now and the future.
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Making Sense of the decision to relocate to Ramciel!

David Majok October 14th2011

In the aftermath of the decision to relocate the capital of the Republic of South Sudan to Ramciel from the current location, many rational and irrational critiques has been presented in either supporting or questioning the decision made by the President and the
Council of Ministers. Many of those who have argued either for or against the decision have elevated some valid points; however, those points have merely focused on issues of access to land and jurisdictional control, rather than focus on the constitutionality of the decision itself.  The question that needs to be asked at this transitional period is this: Does the current president and government have the right mandate to decide on the future capital of South Sudan?  If so, can it be made at the executive level, by by-passing the legally mandated body (the National Legislative Assembly and the Council of States?) from exercising their duty to officially pass into law the wishes of the people? And finally, at the current state of affairs in South Sudan, is this decision the right one, morally, and economically, given the dire straits our people are facing?

The last question on the list of questions posed here has been exhaustively addressed here and I will not surely delve into it; however the remaining questions are part of the crucial elements of the argument in trying to make sense of the decision to relocate the capital. As much of the chatter has been conflated either with conspiracy theories or factual errors, just to name few of the rationale presented.

The issue of constitutionality of the decision is very important at this juncture in our history. The presidency should have been mindful of its limitation, given its position as it relates to the transitional constitution. If the current government is transitional, then
it does not have the power to decide on this issue.  The current transitional government as it is apparent from its name, is transitional by nature and cannot make any final decision on any large scale projects except that which deals with provision of basic services and national security. It cannot give itself a mandate that it does not have by deciding on issues such as the relocation of the capital.

First, the executive has not provided any justification, worthy of relocating the capital, with the exception of Bari Community refusal to allocate land for use to build vital institutions of national government of the new Republic. Second, the government has been silent on the official process of negotiating acquisition of land from Central Equatoria Government and their official position. Third, the government has failed to address the concerns of the Central Equatoria Government and people, legally, to warrant for honest
exchange of positions and compensation needed to allow for proper redress for those who will be affected or are affected by the increased presence of the National Institutions of Government. Forth, there has been no official offer from the National Government on
how to compensate the government of CES on the loss of infrastructure in Juba and facilitation of proper infrastructure in Yei, if the CEG decide to accept the relocation. And fifth, there has been very little sensitization by the national government on the concerns of the Bari Community and many who have been affected by the ordeal of the land acquisition process. As a responsible body, it is the National government’s duty to show respect to the local community, since it constitutionally granted them the rights to their land.

As a transitional government, it has the right to begin the process of consultation (whether through plebiscite or parliamentary hearing) to provide for wider participation and ownership of the decision, paving the way for a final decision to be made after the
transitional period.  This will allay the current concern and also provide for a cooling off period, by addressing the issue of illegal land acquisition and establishment of legal and urban planning necessary for the relocation.

The second question is: whether the executive can make the decision to relocate the capital without referral of the proposal to the National Legislative Assembly and Council of States for a proper process, in reference to the transitional constitution? The constitution has been overtly conflicting on this issue, especially, when it is seen from the provision of article 92. In article 92, on the delegation  of powers of subsidiary legislation, the executive gets a free hand to make laws by inference that says, “ the National Legislative or either of its two houses may, by law, delegate to the President, the Council of Ministers or any other public body, the power to make any subsidiary regulations, rule, orders or any other subsidiary instrument having the force of law…” However, this reference conflict with other instruments of the constitution that indicates in Article 55, section 3 subsections, b &
d, which provide a clear direction as to how national endeavours such as the relocation of capital shall be addressed. First, it must be initiated at the executive level and enacted into law by the national legislature; and second for the purpose of allocation of funds or resources to put into force the will of the people, in reference to the priorities of the government, the legislature authorizes the allocation of resources.

These elements of the constitution has been either ignored or in hast, the government want  to absolve itself from the hard work of negotiating land tenure and postponed the inevitable by relocating the capital to Ramciel, hoping that it might not face the same hard questions that it is currently dealing with in Central Equatoria. The Transitional Constitution is clear about the land issue and has developed category of land tenure and
acquisition, wh ich states clearly that the government can expropriate land by using the right legal mechanism to compensate those whom their land has been acquired for common good.

With regard to the prioritization of government business, still, the national legislative assembly can redirect the priorities of the executive to the urgent problems that is facing the nation, instead of being by standers in this national debate.

In conclusion, in order to avoid misconstruing the priorities and acting on the provisions of the constitution, the executive must follow due process and refocus its effort in addressing the most urgent cases affecting our nation. The National Legislative Assembly and Council of States must not abdicate their responsibilities and assert their position on this issue. As well, the transitional period should not be used as a full mandate by the government to engage in lofty proposal that is devoid of real substance to the people of South Sudan at this nascent stage, where the demand for delivery of basic services is out-weighing a need for a world class capital.


David Majok can be reached at

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The measure of a President: old faces, new Republic!

David Majok, 

August 4, 2011: It must have been a very daunting task for the president of the Republic of South Sudan to try to break with the past, in selecting the members of the new National Assembly. Balancing the factors for success and meeting the demands of ever increasing pressure to accommodate the old guards with the expectations of the people of South Sudan will continue to dog the president for sometime to come.  This is unique, especially, when the need for consensus building is out-weighing all other pertinent issues, such as democracy, rule of law, delivery of basic services and reducing corruption.

 The presidential decrees appointing the new Transitional National Assembly and the Council of States for the Republic of South Sudan is an indication that what is old is all new again. With this in mind, two streams of thoughts emerged in mind as I read through the two decrees:

Stream one; it reincarnated the nightmare that all will be the same, specially, when those who were implicated or suspected in corrupt practices are welcomed back with open arms to serve in ever influential positions in the government. Much elaboration will not do much here, or bringing up the names of people who were implicated will not suffice to make the changes that we so sorely need in order to break with the past. However, for reference’s sake, please review the list of those appointed for the Council of States, to make your own judgement.

Stream two; here, the author is going on a wild (but real) goose chase, to extrapolate on the decision to reintroduce old guard as saviours of the New Republic is not only to accommodate, but to also silence them in order to allow for the smooth transition, transformation and consolidation of the power and influence in the hands of ever increasingly worried power brokers in Juba; and, to avoid any discontent from the returnees of the South Sudan political class that have been disenfranchised from Khartoum as a result of the Independence on July 9th 2011.

But, how can the President be comfortable with recycling the old guards into the political domain of the New Republic, without looking into the potential for change as he correctly asserted during the independence celebration address to the nation and the world alike? And, how effective will these old guards be in implementing the programs that the President has initiated through his address to the nation at the inception of the Republic? And if in the many years since 2005, they have worked so hard to undermine the President through lackluster performances, among other things, as ministers, opposition figures and down right as enemies of the state, with regard to those who served under the umbrella of the NCP proper. What change will they bring?

I hope the president thought through all these scenarios before he initialed the decrees to bring to prominence those names of the politicians. If these questions have not been considered or contemplated, the president will surely be undermining his own legacy as a leader that worked so cautiously to steer the South through into independence. It seems as if the President has been highly reluctant to move beyond the interim period and the failures associated with it, for the sole purpose of accommodation, a hallmark of his success in buying time to achieve independence. But who will buy this same politics now that we are free?

As a citizen of South Sudan, I want to see the President succeed in his efforts to bring hope for a better future with infusion of fresh minds and ideas; guidance in service delivery; steady and accountable government; impartial legal system; and best amongst all, influential and effective institutional governance that we can all boast about.

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Did the South-South dialogue end the ethno-political polarization ahead of referendum?

Originaly posted on November 30th 2010 on SPLM-Diaspora

South Sudan has gone through many milestones in its political history: the 1947 Juba
Conference where our traditional leaders came together and pled our case for special dispensation for the south prior to independence so as to bring the people and the region from the state of deprivation and then establish a viable confederal system of government that will protect the unique African identity of Southern Sudanese; to the 1965 Round Table Conference, where the astute sons of the region argued for an equitable share of state’s power and constitutional guarantees to protect the rights of its citizens; and to many other brave historical and poignant political and personal sacrifices calling for unique representation for the people of Southern Sudan at the national political
scene.  There has never been any other moment in the history of the South more important then the 2010 South-South Dialogue.

At this  juncture in our history, the sons and daughters of the South came together once
more to show strong leadership and personal and political sacrifice, that was rarely seen in the last decade in the regional politics of South Sudan, to shed light on the political as well as personal differences and the future of South Sudan. Few people have had any hopes that the outcome of the dialogue would lend itself to a pragmatic change on the leaders of the many political parties in the South to ward-off any potential threats to the running of the referendum in January 2011.

The ethnic components of the political dispensation of the region has for many years
affected the fluency of strong political representation at the national, regional as well as at the local levels, where many of the tribal conflicts are executed. The National Congress party have used these differences to weaken the resolve and value attached to the concerns of the people of Southern Sudan because of the nature of the fractious political arrangement that has been established. The leaders of the different political regimes in the South have favoured personal achievement over the overall concerns of the people and the south as a whole, in the past.

As well, the political orientation of the Southern Sudan Political forces are limited more by tactical gains instead of moral foundation that asserts the right of the people
of Southern Sudan for equal access to  resources, effective political representation and meaningful development in the region.

The question that remains to be addressed as we get closer to the referendum in January 2011 and after is: can South Sudan political forces maintain the solidarity that has come out of the South-South Dialogue to post referendum and build a unique political arrangement that will lead to a new constitution and a republic? This is an open question to all who are in the circle of power or have the wherewithal conceived for our future.

Three months ago no one would have ushered in the spirit of brotherhood and fraternity that has been exhibited at the South-South Dialogue in Juba.  The ethno-political
landscape in Southern Sudan was very different than today, especially; after the end of the South-South Dialogue in Juba.  There is a sense of open discourse and intent to engage in more strategic relationships that will guarantee a favourable political space in the post referendum in Southern Sudan politics.

This shift in the Southern Political orientation is an infantile move in the right direction towards a more constructive political space, where opposition to government policies is seen as important to the advancement of the new polity, consistent with the nature,
maturity and organic understanding of consensus building inherent in Southern
Sudanese cultural norms. This organic understanding of the nature of consensus
building, if nurtured, will usher in an era of social, cultural and political mosaic that will surely magnify the cohesion inherent in our culture of peace.

Noting the importance of African culture in the realm of political dialogue in Southern Sudan is not just vital to the milestone reached through the South-South Dialogue but also for future consultations on the nature of the state that will be envisioned. Will the new state continue to present the maladies of the current one or branch off to chart a new course that will represent the ideals of the Movement and the aspiration of South Sudanese people?

There is no magic ball that will assist in forecasting how the south
will look like come January 2011 and beyond; however, steps taken today will surely make it easier in structuring a meaningful state institutions as well as moral compass to guide it. If such system cannot be developed, then, there is a great chance that the South-South Dialogue will continue to be a fruitless exercise in the process of achieving a model nation for South Sudanese.


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Turabi’s Last Kick at the Can; Sudan the Prospect for unity & Separation.

Originally posted January 11th 2010

Sudan has seen many political leaders, ideologue, religious leaders, but none has reached the epic of Dr. Hassan Abdallah Al Turabi. Though never officially became the president of
Sudan, his influence on the political life of Sudanese and Sudan has been intricately documented. From his days as the legal and religious mind for the late President Numeiri to his unrelenting effort at dismantling the Addis Ababa Agreement and the introduction of Shari ‘a Law (1983) into Sudan’s Jurisprudence, Sudan has never officially been at peace with itself.

Turabi singlehandedly mobilized South Sudanese to taking up arms to fight once more for
their liberation from the controlling influence of the North, with the abrogation of the Addis Ababa Agreement of 1972. His influence on Numeiri and political power in the North during the reconciliation of Northern Political Parties with the May regime at the end of 1970s and early 1980s was pronounced. He was able to gain the trust of Numeiri and the May Regime establishment in completely gutting the only credible political arrangement between South and the Political elite in the North. While being the brain child behind dismantling of the Addis Ababa Agreement, he also worked to erode the political monopoly of the May Regime in Sudanese political life for over  a decade. He was able to infiltrate the legal and political system in Sudan and inculcate it with young
and bright Islamists who believed in his political ideology, a group that he would later use to fulfill his political dream in 1989 coup that broight Al Bashir to power, under the banner of National Salvation.

With the collapse of the May Regime and peaceful overthrow of Numeiri from power, Turabi was able again to rebrand himself as a different type of political leader that
is able to win the hearts and minds of Sudanese through democratic means. To his
credit, he was able to gain credible seats in Sudan’s Second Democratically elected parliament.

However, being disappointed with the slow pace of political and ideological change and the influence that the SPLM/A has exerted in the latter part of the 1980s, something that he did not anticipate, Turabi reverted to his old self. Given his knowledge, confidence and organizational capabilities, he organized one of the boldest political moves in Sudan’s history—overthrowing a democratically elected government in which he was a part off, in 1989. Though not overtly known at the time, his leadership quality and religious appeal, Turabi was able to control all the institutions of government in Sudan, something that he has been working on since his time as the Minister of Justice.

In the decade that he was the spiritual leader and the political ideologue of the NIF and military regime in Sudan, Turabi declared Jihad on the people of Southern Sudan and in the course, helped the death of two and half million innocent civilians.

His falling out with the current regime in Sudan can be attributed to two main forces: his eagerness to take control over the political system in Sudan and the increasing pressure from International community since 1996 for Sudan/regime to change its political course or continue to face greater international scrutiny on its terrorist’s links.

We all know the result of the political shift in Sudan between the religious (fatalists) and military (rationalists) wings of the National Islamic Front. The rationalists’ wing flanked by the most astute political advisors/thinkers Sudan has ever seen opted on prolonging the life of the regime by conceding to the international pressures, a process that took some time to complete, which ended in 1999, with the ousting of Turabi from the Party. This process led to the renaming of the party to National Congress Party, instead of the notoriously hated name, the National Islamic Front.

As we all know, Turabi is a religious as well as political leader that is rarely counted
out. In his “last kick at the can,” Turabi has reincarnated his political life with the formation of Popular Congress Party or PCP. In this last political exposé, Turabi is counting on his arch enemy, the SPLM to resurrect him from political death. The “Juba Declaration/Conference,” not the one that we were connived out of our political identity (1947) but the one of 2009, Turabi wanted Southern Sudanese to wilfully abrogate the CPA, just like in 1983. However, this time the tide is much different, the SPLM is in control and not the Northern Political elites. However, Turabi’s political stratagem cannot be discounted, no matter how farfetched it maybe, just because of his experience in Sudanese politics and organizational capabilities.

Now, this brings me to Turabi’s last attempt at controlling political discourse in Sudan,
before the end of the interim period of the post conflict in Sudan, by declaring his party’s candidate for presidency of Sudan in the upcoming national election to be a Southerner, Islamist and a unionist to boot. This is a bold political move on his part, but what is the role of Southern Sudanese in deciding the fate of this political dream? Can we in the South trust this political farce or take it as a genuine political gesture from Popular Congress Party (PCP) that the post national election in April 2010 would be different for Southerners?

But, can there be a united Sudan with Shari’a? And if so, would it be a fair state the Southern Sudanese can live and have equal rights and equal access to power and resources? All of these questions are equally important and even much more important than having a Southern Sudanese president.

However, Turabi is counting on the history political short sightedness in Southern Sudan
by selling Southern Sudanese an empty dream, of a united Sudan under the leadership of Southerner that his political ideas has never been tested, and his loyalty to the cause is short on details and ample on dreams.

Finally, when we look at the history of Turabi’s political journey, his cunningness and
incredible timing of unleashing arsenals of political trickery never ceases to amaze, not only to the ardent political watchers of Sudan, but also amateurs alike. So, his “last kick at the can” is but an attempt at salvaging the broken ship from sinking, while knowing well the reasons behind the demise of the Sudan as a mosaic of different cultures that he has
worked hard to deny till now.

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Al Bashir confirmed why we chose to separate!

For those who have had lingering questions in their minds about their place in Sudan as Southerners, Al Bashir just confirmed it. He has used the whole apparatus of the state to
wilfully kill, maim, destroy and displace the people of Abyei for the sole purpose of fulfilling his hunger for resources. If this does not warrant him a call to International Criminal Court for the second time, then, the world should just ignore its responsibility towards seeking international peace and justice, a moral foundation of our existence has humans.

 Al Bashir, through his current provocation and occupation of Abyei is masterminding new bloodletting in Southern Sudan, Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan, that will pale in comparison the slow murder of over two million Southerners in the two decades of north/south conflict. The recent threats against the to SPLA to remove its forces from Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile are but another direct challenge at dragging not only the government of Southern Sudan into an all out war, but also a futile attempt by the regime to distract the public from the current struggle within the NCP and the impending
collapse of the whole economic apparatus in the north. With these threats, the
NCP is looking to gain leverage to better protect their household from
crumbling, under the weight of looming loss of revenue from Southern Sudan

 Waging war or threatening to wage war on an independent South will only send the
government in the north into the abyss of international isolation, economic sanction and more internal strives that will ultimately lead to its downfall. Northern Sudan will not survive to fight without the income from the oil in the South; as well, she will not be able to open a multi-prong war against the South, re-energised and reunited Darfur, and the new South (Southern Kordofan, Blue Nile and Ingessina Hills) and the international community. The odds are just not in Al Bashir’s favour!

 While we know that Khartoum has relied on China to allow it to do its dirty business in Southern Sudan over the last two decades. The reality on the ground is different today. The
government of the Republic of Southern Sudan must use its new entity to challenge the prevailing narrative that has been presented by the regime in Khartoum about the ownership of resources in the region, but also create a new narrative that is appealing to China’s needs in the region, without compromising the aspiration of the people of Southern Sudan. There must be a clear understanding from the leadership of the Republic of Southern Sudan that they are interested in doing business with China differently than before; and that entails fostering the culture of peace and development, and not just resource acquisition at all cost.

 As president Kiir has mentioned eloquently stated that war is not South Sudan’s first option, and that is not a sign of cowardice, it is also important to note that war cannot be ruled out in the future, to protect the entity of the Republic of Southern Sudan. Thus, the continued provocation and dehumanization of the people of Abyei in a state owned media, as enemies in their own land, is beyond human comprehension.

 This, we know has happened in the past and history is witness to the killing of over eight
hundred thousand lives over ninety days. Rwanda was and is still an example for Africa and the world; we do not want to be in this list, however remote the chance may be. The world stood and waited and watched while our continent bled. Today, we are aware and must pre-empt it by our new political capital of independent statehood to march and knock at every door so that we save the lives of our own kin. If the world would want to stay silent once more, then the crying sound of our dying will ring in their ears for eternity. It is our call and it is their “responsibility to protect” in this hour of need!

 We, have our parents, sisters, brothers and grandparents who are now a knife away
from death, in northern cities, at the mercy of Al Bashir and his blood thirsty murderers. We must tell the world of the impending calamity that is awaiting our people in the north. We must call upon the patriot sons of the north who disagree with NCP and their war mongers to come out and protect our loved ones, because the testimony of humanity for doing well is now in their hands and upon them to respond; because the legacy of destroying humanity will not only be that of NCP alone, but also fall on those who turn a blind eye to the impending catastrophe.

 In addition, the government of the new homeland must act now to protect our people
in the north by whatever means necessary, because the writing is on the wall regarding their fate.  The government must use the resources at its disposal to relocate our people back home; put pressure on the NCP to assure the protection of our people before, on and after the declaration of independence and use our alliances in the region and internationally force the NCP to live by its obligations towards respect for agreements signed and rights of the people of Southern Sudan in northern cities, to safety and security of their persons and property.

 In conclusion, despite of the current tide for looming crisis, the light at the
end of the tunnel seems to favour our long walk for freedom; however, great
amount of work still remains to be completed. The government of the Republic of
Southern Sudan must make it clear to China that supporting the regime in
Khartoum will not assure them access to resources in the Republic of Southern
Sudan, but only through constructive engagement in curbing NCP’s belligerence
in the region will allow it greater access to resources and increased
investments in other sectors of economy in Southern Sudan.

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